The Revolutionary Age
A Chrom cle ™d Interpretation of International Events
Vol. I, No. 36
Saturday, June 21, 1919
l'rice :i Cent*
Workers' Control of Industry
>nary ma —
_), carry in
verv large campaign of advertising- against the
Ln's and Peasants' Republic of Russia. Thi
jHRK is a counter-revolutionary magazine,
Struggling Russia (which is financed by Ameri-
can banks with Russian money), carrying- on a
er, is an autocracy. Start-
its that Bolshevism is
'the central world
aZ ine msis
The conscious capitalist press is now stressing this
of Bolshevism. They now recognize that it is
roblem of pro-German agents, of mass murder,
,s in Russia ; nor simply a Russian problem — it
central world problem of Socialism against Cap-
italism. . , . •
• The determining factor in international events is
not that Germany has been crushed, or that a number
of small nations have emerged to "independence," or
that the world is being divided territorially and finan-
cially. The determining factor is that out of all this,
out of the war and the collapse of Capitalism, has
emerged 'the definite proletarian struggle for Social-
ism. This struggle for Socialism is no longer a theory
isolated in action ; it is now a fact of life itself, the
most vital problem for Capitalism and the proletariat.
In meeting the problem, Capitalism is fighting for its
very existence. And it is unscrupulous in its use of
methods. The workers of Russia initiated this world
struggle for Socialism ; and so international Capital-
ism, represented by the Allies, concentrates its attack
upon the workers of Russia as the resolute defenders
of the interests of' the workers of the world. Starv-
ation, counter-revolutionary plots, assassination, in-
vasion and terror, — all these -means are used in a desp-
erate struggle to crush Socialist Russia.
"The apologists of Capitalism try to complicate the
problem. They try to make it difficult for the workers
But the problem is very simple. It is not a problem
of democracy, or of communizing women, or of mass
murder, or of any of the lies spread so feverishly by
the bourgeois press and other agents of Capitalism.
The crux of the "Russian problem" is simply this:
workers' control of industry.
Let us for a moment consider the purpose of the
Soviet Government. The political power of Capitalism
(and its ally, the nobility) has been crushed. The
workers have conquered political power. The workers
are using this power to crush' the industrial power of
the capitalists,— giving the land to the peasants and
the factories to the workers. A capitalist republic
(such as prevails in our own country) recognizes the
"rights" of capital as supreme: the whole social sys-
tem is based upon the supremacy of capital. The So-
viet Republic, which is a republic of the masses of' the
people, recognizes the rights of the workers alone. The
basis of the Soviet Republic is workers' control of
industry,— industrial democracy. Slowly, painfully, in
spite of starvation and alien invasion, the Russian
masses are crushing the power of capital, freeing the
workers from the tyranny and the exploitation of cap-
ital, and constructing a new society of communist labor
and fraternity, of workers' control of industry, in
which labor shall work for the peace and happiness ot
the people, and not for the profit of the capitalists.
The Russian revolutionary masses are introducing
Socialism. This fact is against the interests ot Cap-
italism, since if< Socialism proves a success in Russia
the workers of the world will struggle for a similar
objective. Capitalism, accordingly, mobilizes against
the Socialist workers of Russia in order to crush tn«
workers of the world.
t What is Capitalism? Capitalism is a social system
based upon private property, upon the private owner-
*H> of industry by the capitalists. The workers are
Wiyed of industrial property; they must secure a
i°b in order to live, and these jobs are dispensed hy tne
capitalist owners of industry. The owner of mflUJW)
! s out to make profits; he employs the workers Simply
ln order that they shall produce profits for hum _
Wages of the workers do not represent all the values
Produced by their labor; the employers appropnaw
Tart of these values, a surplus value over and a-DOVj
*« value represented in the wages, which bWWjWJ -WW
P r ofit of the capitalist class. In other ffOrd», t™ )\ ,
e " are robbed of a portion of the ffujts ol «'"' 1 ; l1 ,
01, t of which booty the capitalists acquire wealtn .u
Capitalist industry, moreov~.,
££« J ' Sm . a " employer, up to the great masters of
"nance, the capitalist class absolutely controls industry.
mis autocratic control of industry culminates in the
absolute control of the industrial life of the nation—
and of the world— exercised by finance-capital, by the
great banks and industrial monopolists, by an insign-
ificant minority of the people.
The workers have no say in the management of in-
dustry under this industrial autocracy. They have no
vote in the management of production, or in the dis-
of Soviet Russia, means workers' control ol iiul
How does this work?
In proletarian Russia, the factories are put
control of the workers. The system of contra'
at the bottom, with the workers, not with a bureau-
cratic stale, or politicians, or capitalists. Ever) :
elects a Factory Committee, from among the .-.
and the technical staff, which is supreme within the
factory. Where the capitalist owner has r,
eliminated (in many cases he is temporarily retained
as a manager) he is subject absolutely, in all his actions,
posal of the goods they produce. They must accept to the control of the Factory Committee, which regul-
t'he decisions of the industrial autocrats. They may
ease their bondage a bit here and there, by means of
Rush Your Seconds!
Resolved, hy Hie Joint Meeting of the branches of
Local Cuyahoga County, (Cleveland), having an aver-
age of 1821 members in good standing for the year 1918,
that we initiate the following referendum motions, to be
submitted to the party membership of the United
Resolved, that the act of the National Executive
Committee in expelling from the Socialist Party of
Michigan from the Socialist Party of the United States,
a state with 6,000 members, without giving the state
a trial or even a hearing in its own defense, is hereby
rescinded and annulled and the Socialist Party of
Michigan restored to all the rights and privileges of
membership in the Socialist Party of the United States.
Resolved, that the action of the National Executive
Committee of the Party in arbitrarily suspending the
Russian, Ukrainian, Lithuanian, Lettish, Polish, South
Slavic and Hungarian Federations from the Party is
hereby rescinded and annulled.
Resolved, that the action of the majority of the
National Executive Committee, which is largely com-
posed of candidates for re-election in the referendum
just closed, in holding up and refusing to tabulate the
vote mi Referendum B and C, for the election of the
National Executive Committee, International Delegates
and International Secretary, and calling a National
Convention, is hereby rescinded and the national secre-
tary instructed to immediately tabulate the vote and to
declare the candidates receiving the highest number
of votes elected, in accordance with the National
Party Constitution. .
Resolved, that the action of the National Executive
Committee in preparing to place the property of the
Socialist Partv in the hands of a Board of Directors,
three to be elected for three years, three for six years
and throe for nine years; these directors not being
subject to recall hy either the National Executive
Committee or the membership of. the Party, he reversed
unions; but this slight advantage is offset by the in-
creasing power and tyranny of capital.
Under this system, the workers do not work to live
they live to work. They live to produce wealth and
power and pleasure for the masters of industry.
1 This industrial autocracy of capital controls the gov-
ernment. It controls the press. It controls the schools.
I controls heeau.se these industrial autocrats have the
ea I. and wealth under Capitalism means power.
This industrial autocracy is able to purchase the serv-
£ Of * mercenary army of intellectuals, educators,
rr L , -n,d Journalists, whose task it is to deceive
lie ma eV P--0L the supremacy of Capitalism.
n , ' "r.n in government becomes a fraud under a
' s Sere industrial autocracy nrevails.
'So the industrial autocracy of Capitalism comes
t n v nml oonression of the workers, wars and all
^"i'ut: Hbunianitv. U* of this svstem dev-
!dops die class struggle of tne proletariat to overthrow
l ' l ^f,nn,rast to this teudde system, Hte Soviet Re-
nuhllcof Russia loom 8 as m QflsU
ates the purchase and sale of products, factory con-
ditions, wages, hours, etc.
But one factory is not independent of any other
factory, — production is a complicated process that re-
quires centralized management. The various factory
committees in a particular locality, accordingly, elect
representatives to a Lower Workmen's Council of
Control, which regulates the relations of factory to
factory in a particular district. These various Councils
of Control are centralized into an All-Russian Superior
Council of Control, which unifies factory production
in all the country. The central organ of industrial
control is the Supreme Council of National Economy,
which unifies the Workmen's Organs of Control, die
peasants' committees of management, and the Soviet
Government. In this way are unified production, dis-
tribution, wages and conditions of labor.
This is the basis of industrial democracy, of work-
ers' control of industry. All these committees and
councils of control are elected from the bottom up, by
the workers, who are industrial citizens -and use the
industrial vote to control the management of product-
ion , ■ ,
It is on the basis of this workers' control of industry
— the end of capitalist industrial autocracy and the
profit-power of the capitalist s— that the workers and
peasants of Russia are constructing a new society.
The "central world problem of Bolshevism," accord-
ingly, is a simple workmen's proposition. It is within
the comprehension of every man and woman who
works for a living in shop, mill or mine ; easily com-
prehended, in spite of the distortions of a mercenary
press. The "central world problem of Bolshevism
means simply the determination of the proletariat to
crush the industrial autocracy of Capitalism and
introduce the industrial democracy of Socialism,—
workers' control of' industry.
The Soviet Government itself, which is of a political
character while elected industrially b> Hie workers m
the factories and the peasants in the fields, is a ^'"'P^'
an affair. Tt serves two purposes: i) to crush the
political power and the resistance of the capitalists,
Russian or alien; and 2) to develop the conditions for
the construction of a new industti d government. \\ hen
the introduction of Socialism in Russia land the
world) is completed, then the Soviet G
natorship of the proletariat, will disappear, having
accomplished its purpose; then the only government
which will remain 1 which is not a government in the
old sense) will he the industrial administration cow-
imsed in the management and regulationo production
ior the workers. Tins final government |S now he
fog constructed by the Soviet Repnhhc, throuej >
Factor)' Committees, the Workmen s ( puncilso . » -
trol and the Supreme Council ol \ mo.ul Economy.
It is a simple proposition, tins workers control o
industry: hm it means the end ol Capitalism.
the desert, as
fonfTnf working class emancipation.
, /I fawtrlmenl rhe capites are excta*
S "„ , p K&pattan In this p»w™™»t *** « ll <"
;.;; i ^ Hlt , 1 U t .ol t hecap l .ahs l -.,, l! n
1)1 ,., ;a„,ttl»VrorkorMndforth«wlUl
ern ,nent uses Ita powei against the
Ms, tlu Soviet go>
i lu- workers
' Rm! pi lw Soviet government Is to hreak
pitaHats, and develop the condition!
iho power of the
tlu '- ,n,u ' l m ihe'theo.v of Marx and the practice.
why Capitalism, predatory, reactionary
presented In the VlUes, is determined to crush t.u
Uiaiian movement for workers control ot mdi
which abne can bring peace, liberty and happ
M Cap!taHwri means oppression, miser) and .
Atlanta the workers The democracy i
Minuted to polklcO is I fraud, a mea
t the W0I fl
unemployment st irvation wages.
f ol ,ho workers; and wealth, ease snd tax-
pv foi the capitalists
industrial demoj w N
. .01 want
ns the world U :tv - •• M
The Revolutionary Age
A Chronicle and Interpretation of International Events
lon< C FKArtfA Edltor
jortn K.m> Sen Katavama
N 1 Howwicn L E. Fehcuson
LudwigLore Eadmonn MacAlpine
C E. RUTHENBERG
ISSUED EVERY SATURDAY
11\ [jocfyh Boston, Socialist Party
II, G. Stkiner, Business Manager
^S; Washington St.. Boston, Mass,
Subscription $i-O0 /«r six mouths (26 issues)
Bundle orders _v a copy
Aggression Against Mexico
Ci >\U!TlO\S arc being developed which may mean
American intervention in Mexico. International
capital, particularly American finance-capital, is using
all it* resources to bring about a state of affairs pro-
viding the pretext for intervention.
It is the oil wells o\ Mexico, particularly, and its
other natural resources generally, which arc beckoning
foreign capital to the conquest of this devastated
The Peace Conference has said, in so many words,
that Mexico .is legitimate prey. Its recognition of the
Vmerienn Monroe Doctrine— an imperialistic doctrine
for the aggrandizement of United States capital on the
\meric m continents - indicated the general poliev ; and
the exclusion of Mexico from membership in the
League of Nations is proof positive of the intention.
Counter-revolutionary generals are financed by
banks; landits in Mexico are supplied with funds and
munitions all in order to create that "anarchy" which
will then become the pretext for Intervention. — to
make Mexico safe for democracy and preserve civil-
Workers w»!l do the fighting Workers will do the
dviner. Capital will reap the profits War against
Mexico is cmcdlv war against our own workers This
is the new world promised out of the war.— a world
of depredation and oppression.
And what else did you expect? All expectation's
of progress and peace and liberty from Capitalism are
illusions Capitalism is predatory; Capitalism is
pression. Capitalism and Imperialism can assure only
war and plunder and oppression International rev-
olutionary' Socialism must become the proletarian
answer to this international menace.
Expel the Party
Ijlh National Executive Committee of the Social -
•*• isl I'artv, overwhelmingly repudiated in (be elect-
i i) I ■ ;i in v, X K ( . is preparing new expulsions.
\> the Ktatc < mivention of the Parry in Massachu-
setts, which adopted the Left Wing Manifest., and
Program. ;> »roui> of delegate- seceded, led by two
mer. who ihereuoon telegraphed the N. E. C. members
hue "i whom, lames Oncal, thereupon made this
'That the National Secretary secure documentary
>f repudiation of party
"olicv in Massachusetts, if obtained the National Secr-
etary shall recognize that organization which Btipports
the policy and principles formulated in national con-
vention and by referendum."
Power lo r-vjul fi.000 members of the Party, accord-
ingly, is placed in the bauds of one wait, the National
Secretary. Two reactionary "Socialists," George IT.
Cloche! ""! [ames- P Carev. both of whom wrrc pro-
wir: came to Hoston, looked around, and went right
home again .Massachusetts has no use for moderates.
The Stato Committee of Illinois— the citadel of re-
Pan y srems to be the hold-over Executive
•ted a long time ago—ia out with
constitutional" casuistry to set aside a completed rev-
lie Chicago organization.- as if "constitute
_ -rprelation would affect tin convictions
Ot ill" revolutionary membership.
ini'ler orders a new county ennfer-
11 tHisponoed Federations eliminated,
'1 In delegates who have been partv
1 i nnr\ one year In the local. Under
1 r"k1 * hange in the party member
( in- ago. this i- a perfect scheme for
litth conference of a small group of
W -timers who were jeHialc«g^ he C ° U "
ferenee of May i?f> n«w *g Sgo a^ not worried
The Left Wing element; of ( 1 ■ SP ■ tic .
ab0ll , t hi s Tammany m» jew *• JJ™ ** -Jf?, pr U ab ly
Kipation in the "rump conference. 1
means more expulsions T , "Wing,
But since the bulk of the Par tv • 1 now Left \ g
and revolutionary Socialism will have the Party.
Bulwark of Reaction
THE dominant fad emerging cut of the convention
of the American Federation of ^abor is t he
apparent conclusion of "a temporary partnersh I
between organized labor and the employing element
for the suppression of Bolshevism to accompl sh
which the former is conceded to be the best equipped
This is the declaration in a news story by Louis >ft-
boW, appearing in the New York World of June ifi
This is not at all surp.ising,— except, perhaps, to the
yellow Socialist who all these years has been buttress-
ing the A, E. of L. as a misleader of labor, .wo ol
these yellows— T. Mahlon Rarnes and Max S. Hayes
—are at the convention, still pursuing their miserable,
role of equivocation. . . -
The A. F. of L, started as a movement to smash Hie
old Knights of Labor, which in that day was a radical
organization. It developed as a craft union organ-
ization of the worst sort, actually splitting Up labor
instead of uniting it. In all its years of supremacy,
the A. F. of I. officially through its bureaucracy was
the ally of Capitalism against Socialism and against
militant labor, supporting Capitalism often while labor
was engaged in a death struggle against the employing
class. The V F of L was an organization of "labor
leaders." whom Mark Hanna designated as his "labor
lieutenants.*' These laboi lieutenants or the capitalist
together with the aristocracy of labor, aspired
to peth bourgeois case and status; and in the pursuit
d< their offensive and defensive pact
with Capitalism. The symbol ot this pact was the
National Civic Federation, where Samuel Goropers
other misleaders of labor wined and dined with
the capitalist oppressors of the workers.
' »ut of this polic) developed the A. F. of L. support
of the reactionary war, the "labor leaders" accom-
llenl service not alone in mobilizing labor
for the war. hut in preventing labor making "excess-
• tgi demands while the capitalists were making
fabulous profits and hundreds of new millionaires
The social condition behind this co-operation of the
A. F of L and Capitalism is comprised in "organized
labor" consisting largely of the skilled workers, who
domii r unions of unskilled labor- while
the bulk of the proletariat is unorganized. The skilled
workers occupy a sort of privileged status: thev have
been corrupted by Imperialism and receive a "share'*
in the spoils of Imperialism: in return for which "org-
anized labor*' protects Capitalism and crushes the rev-
olutionary movements of the proletariat. This is- the
social condition, equally, that produces the savage
war waged by the V F. of L. upon the I. \V. \V\.
which represents (he militant proletariat of unskilled
The World states that the A. F. of L. "is conceded
to be the best equipped" for waging (Tie struggle
against Bolshevism. Why? Bolshevism, that is to say
revolutionary Socialism, makes its appeal to labor, and
capital must use "labor" in order to wage a successful
campaign against Socialism. In the name of labor
accordingly, the A. F. of L. strikes at the heart of
labor and protects Capitalism. Capitalism in the
I mted States, class conscious and alert, is using
'labor to fight militant labor and maintain the sup-
remacy of Capitalism.— precisely as was done in Rus-
sia, as is being done in Germany and England Trades
unionism everywhere, the aristocracy of labor is cor
runted by Imperialism, betrays the hulk of the nrole
tanal to Capitalism. '
It is the task of revolutionary Socialism to crush
us labor bulwark of reaction, by co-operating wit
the militant elements of t| n . A. V of ] in the
struetion of a new labor movement or 'revolutionary
industrial unionism. "' ll *
The Labor Movement in Japan
By Skx Katwvma
A Rne story of the militant Labor Movement
11 Japan, by a pioneer of Japanese S, ; ■
"dispensable to the rmcrimffl^ffl.
Cloth $1.00 1, C opv
THIS REVOLUTIONARY \C]
885 Washington Street
Saturday, j Une 2l
The Russian Offensive
THE Allies arc. still at their miserable bu '
■'making peace" while waging war again.? 1 ?'
Russia,— a war that constitutes aggressi ie
the peace and liberty of the world, na ga&jj
In Paris, the Peace Conference has " re .
the "Russian Government" of the Czari,/?,"^'
Kolehak. " N A ^ira
In New York City, the offices of the Soviet &
sentative Martens have been «■:■*-- «
seized, while Washington teems with rumors 'I 1 *'
portation. ft| k
These two facts occuring almost simuli ailp
indicate a new offensive against the workers of ft '
and equally against the workers of the world, ^
Martens, according to
bourgeois "law of nations," is covered by diploma:
immunity, even if not recognized. K M f t ] 1( l J^
prevent German viol
rder tliat t| lev
apparently, decided to
the "law of na' )ns" only
freely violate it themselves.
There is dispute whether the Allies have actual'.
''recognized" Kolehak as a government. Rut that '
immaterial: the fact is that the .-Mies have iiotp 6<S
in an official form the aid and co-operation they hat*
rendered the reactionary forces of Admiral Kolehak
in 'their war against the people of Russia. The Allies
in fact, "recognized" the Czarist gangster Kolehak
months ago, by providing hint with mora! encourage-
nient. with arms, munitions, food, money. The Allies
have been waging war against Soviet Russia since
November 7. to 17.
Who is this Kolehak? What is his government? In
March mi ;, the ISritish Government decided to creatf
a "Provisional Government" in Siberia, with Admiral
Kolehak at its head, as the only dependable "strong"
man in sight. There was an experiment with a "dcni«
oeralic government" nt Archangel, but old man Tchai-
kovskv could not "deliver the goods." The Allies
ai'ordinglv. centred their support upon the reactiunar
'Vovernment" of Kolehak, which they organized am
financed, v bile informing the world that it was tin
government of the "Russian people"!
Admiral Kolehak is a monarchist, a believer in
' f ■ t'overnmenf." The Allies made a bluff of
evading "democratic guarantees" from Kolehak. but
wnv met with the Admiral's determination to first
< rush the P.olsheviki, establish a strony autocratic lw-
(TMinent. imprison democracy, and then— -call a Can*
The "troyernmeut" of Kolehak would have beer
r-.silv crushed by t'he-Kussian iieoplc it it had not bwi.
for the Mbes. "it is the Allies who are vvagim.' 'Iu
'-Mimor-revolutionarv war arain*! the Russian worker
;«nd peasants, The ■'recognition" of the Koldiak ^
- t" mines at the moment that the "great offens
o"" of the counter-revolution had collapsed, when n>
Snwlpt , roons haf i r e-eaptured 1'fa, when it appeare
Ichak government was finally to he crust
Mi" "vllies to the rescue !
Ib.i this new offensive against Soviet Russia iCOjg
couallv. ;.| a moment when the inassse ot tne ,
■"•'- about lo protest. Ifalv and l-rince ;t re atlai
I tere isan intensive agitation W« , «l* H
luce w ^
strikes; ami icre is an uueusivi; «ij ,in ''"" V urotCSl
mass strike against intervention in Russia. .1
strike which its origin ators hope to |)roa
Prance and [England simultaneously. j
More<jv<u\ the "recognition" of Kolehak, that m ^
ercr of the people, comes at the
revolutionary proletariat of
break the blockade n\ Russia, and accept
kc t |u
moment when 'J.
' recognition '
iet troops an
try troops Hi
s! r in''"
viet HungaT; ^ >
In the t'uited States, in spite of the rcaCt '.p' a jpiiliS!
••' of I., convention, the proletarian mas-
intervention, are developing a more 1
for the cause of Soviet Russia. wltfC
the worker? of the world.
Soviet Russia Iirn eompleteh
"ideals" of the Allies It has ■!*•"" ;; ,!,„■>
Allies represent reaction, thai thej R« -> ,, ft J
-'ace and liberty of the peonies ot die iVO "J
for the proletariat to canitali/e ihi« ***"£* L RU^
** for ihe proletariat, the natural nllv ol >^ \ JJ
•o accept the task of prevent iim d»e s,rn "fL| !>) ^
RjiMinu Revolution. The system .v;..;- ;>,.-. |;
Ml-os. the svsiem „f Capitalism and 1 " ■, : n
»»t ^iuiplv (be eucmv of the workers ■; K Vjf •£
'he ene.m of H,e workers ..i ihr world- » ^
Idiertv cannot prevail a> lon« as t\»» M %! ^ frffl
II is the H-volmion.ov i.isk ..f «he "''^iTc^
,r, - L,iit •" '"-k tbeoovnsivc .0 i-t-';:; iju ..i-
'■' n agaiusi Soviet Rusmo which '* M1 '
'he pence and hberiv of the worken ot
day, June 21, 1919
Clear the Decks!
article, "The Socialist Task and Outlook
Calloi May 21, Morris flill(|iii| admit* ill-,
„<l rnlernational broke down,— altl
Hates the I bird Communisl International
1, in fact, is to re-constitute the
In speaking of the collapse of the
the economic organisation of the
id the pressure of immediate econ
ls (as understood by them ) that broke (!i
,- ,|„. Sociiih'si luU-Mialioiiat. . .. [| was 1)l)t
r ; s m thai was primarily responsible for tlie~mfs<
Tin' (-.r^niii-cd lalmr movement... was a move
, r the benefit of ihe hetter-situated strata of lai
considered in i tse lf and
l)f skilled workers.
'bis appears as an acceptance of the
ialisl analysis, until -it is
I her with the conclusion.
labor movement" was not really a labor move-
at all, but a caste movement of the skjjled work-
he demands of this movement were moderate
occupied a sort of privileged position,
ays moderate, this "labor movement" with the
t of Imperialism, became directly counter-rev-
nary. Imperialism requires a "satisfied" working
class, in order to develop that ''national unity" requsite
ii the struggles of international Imperialism. This
labor movement"— the skilled workers — were o-i ven
s "stare" in the profits of Imperialism; in return for
vhich it had to support the government and accept
social-Imperialism. This meant that the "labor move-
ment" had to use its organized power and prestige to
maintain the overwhelming mass of the 'workers, the
industrial proletariat of unskilled labor, in subjection.
Out of this circumstance developed a class struggle
within the' working class,— a. development ignored bv
the official representatives of Socialism.
The industrial proletariat of unskilled labor consti-
tuted the potentially revolutionary class; and it was
the task of Socialism to awaken, articulate and organ-
ize this class. The dominant moderate Socialism 5 re-
jected this revolutionary task; it accepted the "labor
movement" as its basis, and united with this move-
ment against the revolutionary expressions of the un-
skilled proletariat,— as did Morris Hillquit & Co ag-
ainst the I. W. W. '
This "labor movement," hesitant and moderate, im-
posed a hesitant and moderate policy upon Socialist
parliamentarism, emphasized by the fact that the dom-
inant moderate Socialism also expressed the require-
ments of the "liberal" petite bourgeoisie.
The fundamental task of Socialism, accordingly,
was to split the "labor movement" of the skilled work-
ers and organize a new militant movement of the un-
skilled proletariat, the dominant factor in concentrated
industry. The official moderate representatives of the
International, and of the American Socialist Party, re-
jected this imperative task. Under the control of the
moderates, our party officially has been the protector
and the ally of the ultra-reactionary A. F. of L.
Hillquit dodges the issue completcTy. The "labor
movement" was what it was. But the task of Social-
ism is lo represent the fundamental revolutionary in-
terests of the proletariat, to articulate and organize
that proletarian class which alone is the carrier of the
Revolution, — not to become the expression of react-
moreover, out of this dependence upon tTie rcaction-
"htii ■ movemen t" and the middle class (why does
nillquit not mention this middle class?) developed
certain concepts of the dominant moderate Socialism:
■ ^Socialist emphasis on parliamentarism, — accept-
ing that "parliamentary idiocy" of which Marx speaks,
bat imagines parliaments decide all things and 'forgets
tne rude outside world."
c 2 r~A«epting the bourgeois state as the basis of
gociaiist action, and making Socialism a movement for
St ate Capitalism.
.. 3--~Eecoming absorbed in the petty bourgeois na-
lonal "liberal" movement, (he dominant Socialism ac-
ce Pted nationalism and social-Imperialism.
4-- Repudiating industrial unionism and mass act-
on, the revolutionary expression of the real proletar-
m of unskilled labor.
5-— Having abandoned the revolutionary task and
j*«epted the bourgeois slate as the basis of action.
■crate Socialism repudiated proletarian dictatorship,
done is capable of realizing communist Social-
of revolutionary Socialism to this
locialism was mass action in Europe and
inism in the United States, together
m of the policy of petty bourgeois p:irl-
admits certain things which previously
it his conclusion shows his evasion : "The
the post-war International must, there-
THK 'EVOLUTIONARY AfJK
"°»e working eh™ ,'?,? ! n,,n ; ,n;i! unioniam imoiiej
i8 the character Tli aStm ' Smce thc who1 '
" f '-. oir, y SoMhwn. figln tire official A. F.
"K ihe Party. ' '
lear the decks!
Split ihe Part) for
Left Wine th
>gan of the moderates , s;
Petty bourgeois Socialism, for the
of socml-Imneriabcm i
slogan of the Left VVii
me industrial proletariat'
ugliest feature of the action of tiie NEC
I J" trying to split the Party for moderate, petty
nonslhwJT S °f a . !ism < » ^at the gentlemen res-
hZfrJ? r J l ) e ! 1e , fan ? US aCt lmVe M be ™ overwhelm-
ingly repudiated by the membership in the elections
l.tJn f W " l " mter » a t'onal delegates and inter-
The offical vote has been secured from the following
states: lexas, Pennsylvania, Oregon. Ohio, Colorado,
Indiana, Delaware. New Jersev, ' Tenn
Georgia, Rhode Island', Arkansas. M
Minnesota, Michigan, Massachusetts, Virs
District ol Columbia. The results for international
delegates are as follows:
The Left Wing
Louis C. Fraina
C. E. Ruthenberp- . ...
I. E "
Ferguson . 6,607
Victor L. Berger 2,798
Adolph Germer 2401
Seymour Stedman 2,100
A. I. Shiplacoff , 1,736
J. -Louis Engdahl 1,647
Oscar Ameringer 1,584
James Onea! 1,410
Algernon Lee 1^252
John M. Work 1,142
international secretary, the
fare, 10,627; Morris I Till-
In these same states, for
vote is: Kate Richards ( )'
At the X. E. C. session where 40,000 revolutionary
comrades of the Socialist Party were either expelled
or suspendd. James Oneal feelingly and sanctimonious-
ly, spoke about "the confidence that the membership
has in the X. F. C, which we cannot betray." Con-
fidence! James Oneal, A. I. Shiplacoff, John M.
Work, Seymour Stedman, and Adolph Germer were
of the N. E. C. majority: look at the votes they secured
for international delegates, and then measure the extra-
ordinary "confidence" that the membership has in these
sabotagers of the Party.
Frederick Krafft and George II. Goebel were also
of the X. E. C. majority that sabotaged the Party.
They were candidates for reelection to the N. E. C.
from District Two. In 'this district the Left Wing
candidates swept the field, the results being (the Mary-
land and West Virginia vote missing, but very small) :
C. E. Ruthenberg, 5,786; Marguerite Prevey, 4,885:
Fred Harvvood,* 2,774. Fred Krafft received 849 votes,
and George Goebel 492. In their own slate of' New
Jersey. Goebel received 167 votes and Krafft 246:
while the Left Wing candidate ITarwnod received 1,158
lames Oneal was a candidate for re-election to the
\.".F, C. from District One. In three states of this
district — Massachusetts. Rhode Island and Maine —
Oneal received 688 votes, Morris Hillquit 838; while
the Left Wing candidates received: L. C. Fraina,
r he N. E. C. Speaks
WHILE j u being retwd
Oneal, A. 1. Shiplao.
I his "da lai
>f lies and slai de
ohitionary comrade* in ll •
Fteel agawsi the dei
ism in the Socialist Party. .
ate men, and of cr«
indicates an organized an
nation-wide -scope, to capture the
means or foul . . , using tl
in a disgusting campaign of sland<
and its elected officials, j
were helpless against this cowardly 'tirade as w,
not know what was taking place. '
Lett U ing organized openly to co
revolutionary Socialism. It appe;
ship, by means of constructive cri
Its campaign was open. It is dish
C. to limit the agitation to the language |
The Revolutionary Age, the XV
Ihe Proletarian, the Ohio Socialist, ii
Age and other English papers that agi , /
Left Wing policy. The moderates could not
against the campaign, of' which they
aware, because they had no arguments and
pudiated by the mass or the comrades in
"capture of the Party" is simply the party itself 'assert-
ing its control against the reactionary
Fair means or foul? Let die membership in L
uses the foul methods: the Left Wing uses agitation,
constructive criticism, ideas ; the mode:
ion, sabotaging referendums, ;tra
membership. Eight men split the Party, a:'
overwhelmingly repudiated by the Part : are tl %
means fair or foul?
Fear means or foul? Let the membership judge:
The N. E. C. declaration says: "If com
of phrases, common action with goven
and systematic sabotage of the Party are 'n\
ary,' then this group [the Left Wing] is correct'' Can
you conceive anything more foul than stigmatizing the
action of the revolutionary comrades of the Left Wing
as "common action with government officials'*?
The Left Wing was against the "Amnesty Con-
vention" because it considered the convention -
abandonment of the policy of the class struggle. The
Left Wing agitated in favor of militant action 10 re-
lease our class war prisoners, in favor of the mass
strike to compel the government to act : it was
''amnesty," appeals to the government
ists and co-operation with reactionary bourgeois "liber-
als." The Left Wing maintains tI1.1t only th<
of revolutionary Socialism can compel the release of
our imprisoned comrades. But the X. E, C "declar-
ation" in speaking of the Left Win 11 to the
Amnesty Conference makes tins contemptible state-
ment: "Between betrayal inside the parly and sup-
presion by governtnent officials, our imprisoned com-
rades are made a sacrifice to capital is! traction."
We urge a revolutionary Policy to rel<
prisoned comrades — and are accused of using "com-
mon action with government officials." We den-
that the petty bourgeois policy of the X. F. C will
never release the class war prisoners— and a
matized as "making a sacrifice 1
capitalist reaction." These are th
by the treacherous X. E. C. against 1!" means
of the Left Wing— of the Part v. ;' Wing is
now the Socialist Party!
,544 : E. Line
ted on si
The Party membe
iningly repudiated l
n f moderate petty b
\nd it is jnst as elc
to abide by the election results, are tiviti
elections. Comrades, protect the integrity
but fraud could
a large scale as
ship in the- elections has overwhel-
1 1 >!d Guard, the representatives
Itrgeois Socialism That is clear.
r that the moderates, by refusing
the Party I
The X\ F. C. "declaration* 5 Langnage
Federations of trying to "'■< :
other statement, the N
Party. The Left Wing is acting in accord •.,
peculiarity in American social and
its acceptance of industrial uni< ' ;>ed by
the ./;;;<' rican revolutionary lUOVt
A". /:, C. repudiates, is pn
mentals of Socialism are international
must be an international mo i
ism" of the X. F G. is sini -
The X. F. C. convicts itself, ft c\
of revolutionary action and
It is desperately using the -,. si
means to preserve the
bourgeois Socialism, to \\ reck th<
of the Socialist Patty, act to pn
THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE
The Control of Government
E\ CR^ action, whether in the press or in words
against the /constitutional order" and the 'law-
">i authorities of the United States is nowa-
days severely punished. The prisons are filled with
political prisoners, and new laws are being proposed
O preserve our government by law." Not satisfied
wuh the number of politicals in prison, the bourgeois
press accuses the government of "leniency," almost of
criminal favoritism, toward the "seditious elements"
and demands m.>,e repressive measures and severer
pena ties. More than one organ of the press recom-
mends that the "citizens" take "the law into their own
hands; which, translated into ordinary human lan-
guage means : that instead of the court law there
should he a resort to Lynch Law.-burnings, hanging
and depredations by mob violence. rt "gm^
Bourgeois justice exists and is directed against the
undesirable elements of our class society -a^it
worker-strikers, Socialists, revolutionary %£'
agams all who rise in protest at the iufLyff ££
talist order and parasitism. Bourgeois justice is
chiefly directed to preventing the liberation of the
workmg masses from exploitation, misery and opprts-
But the indignant adherents of "severe and strict
Ss'of tb^t 1 , " di p? ati ?S ™ -on as the role of Vi-
ators of the lawful. institutions and authorities of the
'and is usurped by Capitalism. The bourgeois Dress
m this case forgetting its duty as the vigilaTeye o
aw and order." becomes the apologist of the reject
able violators of "government by law,"and e ve, ?Tet tl
SenT^r th th£ & *^**5£T1
Consider, for instance, what such a "respectable"
0^^ tf l e i NeW Y ° rk World > «t«al vSn organ
June joY Admimstra ""°n. «y» in its editor^
w lwT hat r dffferenCe wiU k make in ^ United States
whether Germany refuses to sign the treaty or the
Senate reuses to ratify it? In either case t e'technS
state of war will continue. At the worst WaVsZet
has no more to fear from the protesting German Gov
erntnent than from the United States Senao^X
Z« e %> there SkaU he "° **** °f P«" ^essZy
Let us, first of all, explain the issue in question In
accordance with the Constitution of the uSstates
ShL a at°t C r "T the W0dd defends wl S ?oa m '
Wh T 8 ; 0Uth " eVery treat >' of the Uni 'ten Stages
with a foreign power can come into force only after
onenin f " * the S / nate " The Senate - ^vYng j£
opened its sessions and comprising a ma ority of Re
publicans, refuses, out of purely political consider-
ations based upon opposition to the Democrat Party
adm.mstral.on. to ratify the peace treaty as drnfte 1 a 1
By Nicholas I. Hourwich
submitted !o Germain- bv the "Council of four" of
VVhalever. in this instance, happen to be the motives
of the Senate majority, (he very fact of its refusal to
in the final analysis
The Communist International to fhe
Proletarians of the World
Tti<> Third Communist Internal ioiml on April 3
addressed the proletarians <>f the world in the follow-
ing circular letter, entiiK-il "The Latest Atrocity -■!
[lie Sooiali.-i Government at Rerlin :"
The German Social-Democratic Government has
recently perpetrated a crime. The government of
Scheidemann mercilessly caused Leon Tyshko to be
executed. Comrade Tyshko had represented the Polish
•Social-Democratic Party in the Second International.
For more than thirty years Tyshko fought in the ranks
of the workers for the Social-Democratic Cause. He
was at the head of the heroic Polish proletariat when
tbe first barricade was erected at Warsaw and Lodz.
He spent many years in prison because be had come
out for tbe interests of the workers. In 1906 he was
sentenced to eight years at hard labor ; as soon as he
succeeded in escaping from captivity, he resumed his
share in the struggles of the Socialists.
The Ebcrt revolution found him in a German jail,
into which the Government of Wilhelm II had con-
signed him. He was one of the most unselfish com-
batants and an important factor in the German rev-
olution, standing in the same rank with Karl Lieh-
kneclit and Rosa Luxemburg. He was one of tbe
ch.ef leaders of the Spartacus group and later nf the
German Communist Party. International Socialism
had no more unselfish, more cnergelic comrade than
lysnko, who has now been shot bv order of Schei-
demann and his cohorts, who yet still dare to call
themselves Socialists. Comrade Tyshko was a faith-
ful vvarrwr 11, the interests of the working classes and
of communist ideas. He was executed because he
MS . a n ;" r,; " enem - v of t»e bourgeoisie. The Com-
munist International « convinced that the day is
^Proachmg when the working d ^ of
ete cm .ust.ee to the hangmen of the Communists,
to Scheidemann, Ebert and Noske
/Signed) The President of the Executive Committee
m the Communist International, Zinovicff
crap of paper,— -certainly ;t (! ,-i;
Ultuted authority;" aiIr , ,"
Wall Street care very | ittle w £
rat ifies the treaty!
This attitude of the World t
01 the highest institutions of ,;>' '
-J -K campaign t(Jf]is ^[ ;
"i the Senate. But, upon c loser r K
Portion in this case disclosesTLf
significant social f act thaTp^^ f^ £«
■i^Sd"r iseasa ---- n
'raise as a manif es ta t ; ' ,**. *h£
"• «"" vernal justir," w
academ,c mercenary guard ^ 7*f JonrnafiJ*
praise promotes its purposes. apita,,s m. when
When a "disagreement" arises h.t
the Senate and the Socialists -llet th^ Co *
«1 by the law. But when such a H ^ ** ,.
dls agreemem a^ 9 *
make" the World d^f ^ ™ ntly pr ° Ve suffide <* to
reuv in, t T f ar£ i the treat y nu » a,ld void. \
treaty is not a treaty unless ratified by the Senar^ ,,
»» "'«« Proposes making the Coiixlilulion a
between the legislative organ ottt^ 1
Wall Street-the attitude hangt ; ST****!
What does all this mean ? It arair, ™ c
rectness of the revolutionary sS« m,Sfte ««-
substance of bourgeois parliament r sm"** ^ **
hy MarX and adhe -d to by the <£^»%«
In all so-called parliamentary state, **
revolul.onary Socialist, the actual ™ ^ the
ment is vested in big capitaSh S? S °^
l>nnks ; parliament-Congress and the ^l f ^ tbe
the "law making bodies "exist nl ^"^-^t is.
tj« People, to 0% pres *% n ?, ^V^^
he wil, of this legh]tive b . s ™5j^g
and every person who violates it as a working S
measure is a "seditious person" and "blasphew^S
as soon as he legislative body becomes sudd er ? S
ncious, or its mechanism is out of gear and TefS
work normally in the direction indicated bv the S-
sts.--the impertinent parliament or Congress .Vdls-
•sotved its decisions are vetoed or simply completely
Parliament, or Congress, is nothing but a marionette
»i he hands of Wall Street, that is of finance capital;
and it is finance-capital that actually- consulates the
government." This is the Socialist conclusion derived
trom the utterances of the World
T"? '"If" Jf ac(i0 »ary autocrats of the National
Parrv , I" V 1(hg " ant Pr0tcst 1S sleeping through the
Ste "'n !1 del ^hted to become revolu-tLary
spite of a!! the autocrats in the Party or out of it.
nitiaied P r?f eSt "T ^ n " d b >' Local Cleveland, which
'I neu th/r endumS f ° - re P» d ^te the N. E. C act
men the Convention of the Socialist Partv of \ull'
repudiated the tyrannous acts of th^K% st ^±
S^!!uC;: e ' " ,e Gernia » '-deration of the
• tiaiist I a.ty was in convention at Rochester N Y
e^";: e P in^ 1 S ™P? the C ° nvenli0 " wto ie J:
the 1 eft \V -u -c ' Germa » federation adopted
! Vri, ue" i Ma,1]fesl o and Program, which is the
crime of the seven expelled Federation. Will '
■ avage Seven now expel the German Federation'
tile of the Party," and concluding:
The Party Repudiating the N. E. C.
arv sentiments of the rank and file within the party as
manifested in the St. Louis program on the war; be k
I here fore,
"Resolved, that the Socialist Partv local delegates
ol Union County of' the State of New lersev. herewith
endorse the Manifesto and Program" of the Lett
** the N. E. C. ant \rtT ( ' outra ^ Perpetrated
^elf-respect and revolutSv VS " ^"^ t0 the
the rank and file We ?"1? class H co "sciousness of
of the party to communicate to A?2r U & 0n o ev ? y local p ' f'A te Exec titive Committee of the Sochte
^0 not recognize their ukase wi^i " L ' that thev arty of Ohio - trough its Secretary, A. Vfcgertjg
and that thev will in til a ^. ainst the rank and fife ls carrvmsr on a Mm „,;«, n t ^u«t,n n aramst th
'-ocai Union County ( Elizabeth V t n .
resolution. 36 against 4 to " ro l3' l ) . a<, °' Ued a
action taken .by the N P C \ n | ? aml , lgnore th e
-suspended' comrades as me 1 r V S? ,n J u l,,C S "" Ca,h ' l!
I'arty." Local Union -Conn S ? the S( ^ahst
'^--h^^adoptingZ^whr 1 ' 1 " 1 - 1 i,s ^i«"
ssekjs ■ ci - p « «-^ "S-sff sags
. rryiug on a campaign of education against W
traitorous "N. E. C. Seven," repudiating their miser-
'Whereas, the growth of .
Sob parliWntarifm' wShS ^T^r" aml '"-'-
"'ade a re-statement of the ^ na,,s[ ''arty h
position imperative; and
"Whereas, the tendency
Focal McReesport. Pa. resolves : "That we condemn
I »e action taken bv the National Executive Commit^
a »d demand that the N. E. C. immediately re-ui^
l|»e .suspended organizations, and we further donaw
•'"at the party membership and the party P en *^
°"ly. shall decide the matter of the suspension ci t.- g
organizations." Focal McKeesport then proceca «*
aclopt. unanimously, the Left Wing M^ !te - !L J
. fhe X. F. C. has sent Otto Branstetter to "^tjf^
w the partv in Michigan, but is meeting "» ]v
results, i n spite of A(1o j ph Germer whistW**
! " keep up his courage.
Let the partv act. Let it repudiate the r ^f^
x • P- C. Let it realize the fruits of its conq* j
party for revolutionary Socialism. To the t-t"
—the jiarty, the future, and Socialism!
fotiirda y^ June 2\ 1919
T H E liberal and Social- Revolutionist-Menshcvik
scribes and politicians are much concerned over
the question of the sociological significance of the
fil! «ian Revolution. Is it a bourgeois revolution or
„ re other kind ot a revolution? At first glance, this
!radeni»c theorizing may appear somewhat enigmatical.
The liberals have nothing to gam by revealing the class
interests behind "their revolution. And as for the
letit bourgeois ".Socialists, they do not, as a general
tnk make use of theoretical analysis in their political
..jvitv, but rather of "con%non sense," whirl, j s s j mp _
t another name for mediocrity and lack of principle.
The fact is that the Milyukov-Dan estimate, inspired
hv piekhanov, as to the bourgeois character of the
Russian Revolution, contains not a single grain of
theorv. Neither Yeditistvo, nor Retch, nor Den, nor
Robo'chaya Gaseto, its head seriously affected, takes
an y pains to formulate what it understands by a bour-
geois revolution. The intention of their manoeuvres
I h . e Character of the Russian Revolution
purely practical : to demonstrate
'right'-' of the
bourgeois revolution to assume power. EVen though
the Soviets may represent the majority of the politic-
ally trained population, even though in all the demo-
cratic elections, in city and in country, the capitalist
parties were swept out with eclat,— "so long as our
revolution is bourgeois in character," it is necessary
to preserve the privileges of the bourgeoisie, and to
assign to it in the government a role, to which it is by
no means entitled by the alignment of political groups
within the country. If we are to act in accordance
with the principles of democratic parliamentarism, it
is clear that power belongs to the Social-Revolutionists,
either alone, or in conjunction with the Mensheviki!
But as "our revolution is a bourgeois revolution," the
principles of democracy are suspended, and the repre-
sentatives of the overwhelming majority of the people
receive five seats in the ministry, while the represent-
atives of an insignificant minority get twice as many.
To Hell with democracy! Long live Plekhanov's So-
"I suupose you would like to have a bourgeois rev-
olution without the bourgeoisie?'' asks Piekhanov, slyly,
invoking the support of dialectics and of Engels.
"That's just it!" interposes Milyukov. We Cadets
would be ready to relinquish power, which the people
evidently do not wish to give us. But we cannot fly
in the face of science.'" And he refers to Plekhanov's
"Marxism" as his authority.
Since our revolution is a bourgeois revolution, ex-
plain Piekhanov, Dan, and Potressov, we must bring
about a political coalition between the toilers and their
exploiters. And in the light of this Sociology, the
clownish handshake of Bublikov and Tseretelli is re-
vealed in its full historical significance.
The trouble is merely this, that the same bourgeois
character of the Revolution which is now taken as a
justification of the coalition between the Socialists and
the capitalists, has for a number of years been taken
by these very Mensheviki as leading to diametrically
Since, in a bourgeois revolution, they were wont to
say, the governing power can have no other function
than to safeguard the domination of' the bourgeoisie,
it is clear that Socialism can have nothing to do with
it, its place is not in the government, bul in the op-
position. Piekhanov considered thai Socialists could
"ot under any conditions take part in a bourgeois gov-
ernment, and he savagely attacked Kaulsky, whose
resolution admitted certain exceptions in this connec-
tion. "Tempora leagusque mutantur" — the gentlemen
of the old regime so expressed it And that appears
to be the case also with the "laws" of the Piekhanov
N T o matter how contradictory may be the opinions
of the Mensheviki and their leader,' Piekhanov, when
you compare their statement before the Revolution
with their statements of today, one thought does dom-
inate both expressions, and that is. that you cannot
carry out a bourgeois revolution "without the bour-
geoisie." At first blush this idea would appear to be
axiomatic. But it is merely idiotic.
Hie history of mankind did not begin with the Mos-
JJ>w Conference. There were revolutions before. At
the end of the iSth century there was a revolution in
prance, which is called, not without reason, the "Great
devolution." It was a bourgeois revolution. In one
01 its phases power fell into the hands of the Jacobins,
who had the support of the "Sans-culolles," or senu-
Proletarian workers of the city population, and who
set "p between them and the (iirondistes. the liberal
part > r of the bourgeoisie, the Cadets of their day, the
ne at rectangle of the guillotine. It vv«s only the dictat-
? rsn >Pof the Jacobins that gave the French Revolution
,ts present importance, that made it "the Great Rev-
olution." And yet, this dictatorship was brought about.
01 on iy without the bourgeoisie, but against its very
^Position, Robespierre, to whom it was not given to
^quaint himself with the Piekhanov ideas upset all
ir,e laws of Sociology, and. instead of shaking hands
By Leon Trotzky
"TheProktrian Revolution in Russia,
°y N. Lenin and Leon Trotzky
r uel he ■ "?" dlSt f ' he cul off their heads. This was
prevent Z % "° f^"* h Bllt this c ™^ did not
l!.?,^. l ., tl,e | . 1 ' rcndl Revolution from becoming Great,
'""its of its bourgeois character. Ah
2 e MJ man y mal-practices are.
( nn country, said that the
now perpet rated
_, isie was
- the same plebeian methods of
nm on h/V the , e r emieS of the P e °P le > the J^obins
• rnb nf i Pr T d ! h - e bour Seoisie oi power, but applied
v l° f W 00 " and iron with regard to the bourgeoisie,
whenever the latter made any attempt to halt or to
was ^iin.,1. ii Z ■ ' u,c wnoie rrench tt
of th, ticbewn effort to dispose of the en<
verv n ?l ge ? ,S - e / e And as the same bourgeoisie
very much afraid of the same nlehehm L*\™
. It is apparent,
out a bourgeois
moderate' the work of the Jacobin
therefore, that the Tacobins carried
revolution without the bourgeoisie.
*f„r ng t0 , the En S lish Revolution of 1648, Engels
\ rote, in order that the bourgeoisie might pluck all
me nuts that had matured, it was necessary that the
revolution should go far beyond its original aims, as
was agam the ease in France in 1793 and in Germany
in 1&48. fhis, to be sure, is one of the lazos of the
evolution of bourgeois society;' We see that Engels"
Law is directly opposed to Plekhanov's ingenious
structure, which the Mensheviki have been accepting
and regarding as Marxism.
It may of course be objected that the Jacobins were
themselves a bourgeoisie, a petite bourgeoisie. This is
absolutely true. But is that not also the fact in the
case of the so-called "revolutionary democracy" head-
ed by the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki? Bet-
ween the Cadets, the party of the larger and lesser
propertied interests, on the' one hand, and the Social-
Revolutionists on the other hand, there was not, in any
of the elections held in city or country, any intermedi-
ate party. It follows with mathematical certainty that
the petite bourgeoisie must have found its political
representation in the ranks of the Social-Revolution-
ists. The Mensheviki, whose polcy differs by not a
hair's breadth from the policy of the Social-Revolu-
tionists, reflect the same class interests. There is no
contradiction to this condition in the fact that they
are also supported by a part of the more backward or
conservative-privileged workers. Why were the So-
cial-Revolutionists unable to assume power? In what
sense and why did the "bourgeois" character of the
Russian Revolution (if we assume that such is its
character) compel the Social-Revolutionists and Men-
sheviki to supplant the plebeian methods of the Jacob-
ins with the gentlemanly device of an agreement with
the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie' It is manifest
that t tie explanation must be sought, not in the "bour-
geois" character of our revolution, but in the miserable
character of our petit bourgeois democracy. Instead
of making the power in its hands the organ for the
realization of the essential demands of History, our
fraudulent democracy deferently passed on all real
power to the counter-revolutionary, military-imperial-
istic clique, and Tseretelli. at the Moscow Conference,
even boasted that the Soviets had not surrendered their
power under pressure, not after a courageous light
and defeat, but voluntarily, as an evidence of political
"self-effacement." The gentleness of the calf, holding
out its neck for the butcher's knife, is not the quality
which is going to conquer new worlds.
The difference between the terrorists of the Con-
vention and the Moscow capitulaters is the difference
between tigers and calves of one age,— a difference
in courage. But this difference is not fundamental.
It merely veils a decisive difference in the personnel
of the democracy itself. The Jacobins were based on
the classes of little or no property, including also what
rudiments of a proletariat were then already in exist-
ence In our case, the industrial working class lias
worked its way out of the ill-defined democracy into a
position in History where it exerts :
primary importance. The petit bonrg
was losing the most valuable revolutionary qualities
to [he extent to which these qualities were being dev-
eloped hv the proletariat which was outgrowing the
tutelage of the petite bourgeoisie. This phenomenon
in turn is due to the incomparably higher plan to which
Capitalism had evolved in Ru
the France of the closing iSth
tionarv power of the Russian proletariat, is based upon
its immense productive power, which is most of all
-iwarent in war time. The threat oi a railroad strike
'^'lin reminds us. in our day, of the dependence ot
the whole country on the concentrated labor ot the
proletariat The petit bourgeois-pezsnni party, m the
verv earliest stages of the revolution, was exposed to
., crossfire between the powerful groups
i<tie capital on the one band
internationalist proletariat, on tl
t8th century. The revolu
and the revolntionary-
other. In their
struggle to exert an influence 01 their own over 'the
workers, the petit bourgeois continued constantly harp-
ing on their "statesmanship," their "patriotism/* and
thus fell into a slavish dependence on the gr<. .
counter-revolutionary capital. They simultaneously
lost the possibility of any kind of liquidates even oi
the old barbarism which enveloped those sections of
the people who were still attached to them. The strug-
gle of the Social-Revolutioniiti and i :or
influence over the proletariat was more and we as-
suming the form of a struggle by the proletarian part]
to obtain the leadership of the semi-proletarian ma
of the villages and towns. Because they roluntariiy'
handed over their power to the bourgeois cliques, the
Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki were obliged to
hand over the revolutionary mission to show that the
attempt to decide fundamental questions of tactics by
a mere reference to the "bourgeois" character of our
Revolution can only succeed in confusing-trie minds- of.
the backward workers and deceiving the peasants.
In the French Revolution of 1848, the proletariat is
already making heroic efforts for independent action.
But as yet it has neither a clear revolutionary theory
nor an authoritative class organization. Its importance
in production is infinitely lower than the present eco-
nomic function of the Russian proletariat. In addi-
tion, behind 184S there stood another great revolution,
which had solved the agrarian question in its own way,
and this found its expression in a pronounced isolation
of the proletariat, particularly that of Paris, from the
peasant masses. Our situation in this respect is im-
mensely more favorable. Farm mortgages, obstructive
obligations of all kinds, oppression, and the rapacious
exploitation by the church, confront the Revolution as
inescapable questions, demanding courageous and un-
compromising measures. The "isolation" of our party
from the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki, even
an extreme isolation, even by the method of single
chambers, would by no means be synonymous with an
isolation of the proletariat from the oppressed peasant
and city masses. On the contrary, a sharp opposition
of the policy of the revolutionary proletariat to the
faithless defection of the present leaders of the So-
viets, can only bring about a salutary differentiation
among the peasant millions, remove the pauperized-
peasants from the treacherous influence of the power-
ful Social-Revolutionist muzhiks, and convert the So-
cialistic proletariat into a genuine leader of the popular,
And finally, a mere empty reference to the bourgeois
character of the Russian Revolution tells us absol-
utely nothing about the international character of its
milieu. And this is a prime factor. The great Jacobin
revolution found opposed to it a backward, feudal,
monarchistic Europe. The Jacobin regime fell and
gave way to the Bonapartist regime, under the burden
of the superhuman effort which it was obliged to put
forth in order to maintain itself against the united
forces of the middle ages. The Russian Revolution.
on the contrary, has before it a Europe that ha? far
outdistanced it. having reached the highest degree of
capitalist development. The present slaughter shows
that Europe has reached the point of capitalistic satur-
ation, that it can no longer live and grow on the basis
of the private ownership of the means of production.
This chaos of blood and ruin is a savage insurrection
of the mute and sullen powers of production, it is the
mutiny of iron and steel against the dominion of" profit,
against wage slavery, against the miserable dea
of our human relations. Capite'ism, enveloped in the
flames of a war of its own n. ing, - uts Frc
mouths of its cannons to hum. :ty : "Either conquer
over me, or I will bury you in my ruins when I fall!"
All the evolution of the past, the thousands of years
of human history, of class si igg Itural accum-
mulations. are concentrated now in the sole problem
of the proletarian revolution. There is no other ans-
wer and no other escape. And therein lies die
endous strength of the Russian Revolution. It is not
a "national," a bourgeois n e who
conceives of it thus, is dwelling in the realm of the
hallucinations of the iSlh and i<nh centuries. Our
fatherland in time is Hit
lot of the Russian Row V el Is eeU\ on the
course and on the onto - on the
evolution of class contradtctic -
this imperialistic war is giving a cat; sti
The Kerenskys and Kornilovs began tr*i earh «s ,
the language of competing... erats Hie Kaledins
showed their teeth too soon The renegade Tseretelli
too early grasped the contemptuously ontstreched
finger of counter-revolution Vs yet the Revoh
has spoken only its first word. It still - m ' is
reserves in Western Furore In pi.,- of the
shake ot the reactionary ringleaders with tl e good-for-
nothings of the Pftitt
unbrace of the Russian proletariat \vi lerari>
THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE
JT was the claim of the Allies that the Russian masses
\Coulil acclaim intervention as providing the opport-
unity to throw off the "vile yoke" of the Bolsheviki.
Instead, events are nroviiiff that the Russian masses
The Allies in Siberia
War Against the People
The whole course
i he de
imiv the Soviel (
tte of starvation,
iforld, the revolutioi
cuts Air proving that the Russian masses
o throw oil' the vile yoke placed by this
lutionary intervention upi
f intervention proves that ii
lerate purpose of international Capitalism t
an alien will upon I he Russian people. Th
>r Russia have had ample opportunity to over
nernmenl, if they wished; but i
spite of war from the whol
lasses refuse to make a
counter-revolution, refuse to overthrow their govern-
Nothing but contemptible dishonesty could now
claim that the Russian people welcome intervention.
In Siberia, the Allies have crushed the liberty of the
masses, have imposed a bayonet autocracy upon the
people, have supported the infamous Koichak and his
reactionary coterie. The masses of Siberia, accord-
ingly, are against the Allies and their intervention.
. This is proven by an article in the June issue of
Hearsts Magasine, written bv Frederick F. Moore
Ute Captain, Intelligence, of the American Exped-
itionary Force in Siberia, under the title "The Vanish-
ing Army of the Bolshcviki."
Captain Moore makes the unequivocal statement-
Nraety-five per cent, of the people in Siberia are Bol-
sheviki/ It js clear, then, that the Allies' mission in
bhbena is to restore the rule of a reactionary minority
of 5 per cent.— surely a case of making 'the world
safe for democracy!
But, what is more important, Captain Moore proves
he point. The Siberian masses, according to him
have adopted the policy of passive resistance and sab-
otage. Ims an effective expression of the will of the
masses. The Captain says:
"The Allies in Siberia have been surrounded by an
army without uniforms or other visible military equip-
ment, without any apparent machinery of organization
Hus army has the ability to vanish without being
missed, to reassemble when and where it chooses, to art
up a front if it so desires, or. if it sees fit, to d ssolve
again, concealing itsel f once more under the £
the very host winch is seeking to overcome it More
over, ii is to a very large extent an army of passive
resistance. ... '
'■IJuriu- the winter just past, this vanishing army
entered Hie cities occupied by the Allies, and, in the
guise Of refugees, or 'loyal* Russians, received food,
clothing and shelter. Under the protection of the
Allied guns it spent the period of bitter cold weather
in comfort, perfecting its plans for the on-coming
spiin- carrying on its propaganda of hostility against
1"C merventionists. and mingling with the' troops
which had come half way round the world to render
I Ins is how this "vanishing army" fights:
'Take the case of one of- their earlier engagements
with the Japanese. The attack was south of Habar-
nvsk. it was significant that the Japanese took scarce-
ly am prisoners. I hat was because a few of the Bol-
sheviki held back the Japanese, giving the main Russian
iront tune to break up. Then, when the Japanese
forces moved forward, they passed through 'the Bol-
sheviki army— without knowing it!— and actually ask-
ed it where u was!
"What the Japanese force thought it saw was large
utmil^o, badly dressed peasants, busily at work in
J 'verwhelmed by superior munitions and equipment,
the Bolshevik masses of Siberia adopt their own forms
(, i "gluing, Hiis is how they secure weapons:
"A truck-load of Kolchak's machine-guns at Omsk
H sappeared whde m transit from one barracks to an-
other, and the men who were making the transfer
dropped from sight. Some of our officers and soldiers
; nmv how the Bolsheviki added to their own supply
ot pistols. _ It has been estimated that ten per cent of
the American officers travelling with orderlies had
jimomahcs either taken by stealth or snatched
iron the holsters m crowded railroad stations. One
|'l these officers expostulated with a thief. 'Here*'
- M-uted Mhat's my gun!' 'Well, you're wrong/
■> the reply ,„ good English; 'it's mine, and vou*d
£««•* not start any trouble here.' It seemed good
;< hie story going the rounds is to the effect that an
officer o high rank, while pushing his way through a
■lam of people m a station, followed by his orderly,
was startled by a cry f ra
"' .one!" said the officer
know better than to los
wear it ?'
"Meekly the orderly in<.
holster on his right hip.
"But you shouldn't wear i-
the exasperated officer. 'Keep j
mine. Look her,- And he*|
worn well to the from on his
chagrin spread over his face
gone, too '.' "
The workmen of Siberia ac<
invaders. Captain Moore sa;
"the trans-Siberian k. . . „
hands of the Bolsheviki— fi
conductors, repairmen, signalmen swiSf"* t
masters and, to a large extern
Xot only do these men absorb graf %Tr °*
their will or if against their wnl
And if instead of accepting the statJ
the fighting Bolsheviki
rinburg front,' the
anon hptr-,,. .
understand the situation "better
that all Siberia, all Russia, is a front!" ' ^ reafe
and the Cossacks with
revolutionary sabotage is us^i ,11 ,
tinst the Allies, who answer with ' l
Cossacks with flogging and won* *%? *"
viet as an institution m Siber- , . .
alien reaction, but it lives in the heart/3 S^ *
n a moment, at the appropriate moment •
will rise and assert their Communist ind^J?*
Considering this testimony of a non-Rnl^T ,
becomes f the Allies claim concernnT^
by the Russian people?- Lies, all g ^
shoot the Russian masses into JhZ : ■ - *****
■hey bribe them into acce^in^ £ T "? «"
food. Man does not live ^ ^^J*"™**
T'lfRSR nre the resolutions adopted at a special con-
County", r r ° I l0 eXp '" eSS the Sta,ld nf L«al Cook
Uiuntji (Chicago) on questions before the party a-id
made up of one delegate to each ten membe < Neadv
^branches were represented, with membership mer
cons^L!l r Z 1V ni d ;? lat th ? ( 0ll0win g Propositions shall
S i i st T , P ? , r T ° f - L ° Ca] Cook Count y of the
Conn r y lmtl1 further aoti0 ' 1 !j v a ^ture Cook
bounty Convention, and shall be binding unon ,11
istPartv^u 1 " .i n * e " iat, '0" al alliance of the Social-
grouns of othl ' Cd MatCS ° nIy With the Communist
groups ot other countries, such as the Bolsheviki of
as p^ESraSui USS ' a ' a " d UP °" t]K " r °S™"
Delegate slnll i,k-,. " and , our International
™»ff«»rWtan ( n S ° m<: dcdsivc i,cl ™> '0
Second In.^naL,al **"" ° r Con « re " of lhe
Socialist iiiftWA«T 7 ni Sg le < a,,< l recognizing that the
■ -! : :;: h;is --— '-historica,,;,,
h.>of.thc^ffir ^ d ^ ndfo^t, ^ Dirta «^
AJI Power to the Workers!
Resolutions Adopted at the Chicago Convention
May 17-18, 1919
b and 11 y ^^^[fommittees or trustees notekctd
b) and not responsible to the membership.
Q) Lstabhshment of a Central Lecture Bureau,
>t Socialism, like all other nlatformc ■ >° - a rqss and Information Bureau
-e demand: All p^r lo P ZvorkZ T^ ^ due ^^^ ° f !*«>' P'"^ P-^^
•ovver as the h ac ; c (^ f ,._:,.. —local ^es and methods of organization.
The foregoing was offered as a composite raohaim;
discussed and adopted item by item. The further i»
outions dealing with party questions of general appfc-
ation areas follows:
7) Whereas the Xational Executive C
be Socialist Party of the United States has obxuni
t'ie class nature of our organization bv the call icxu
Amnesty Convention; and
^ hereas it is essential at all times to keep the< •
nature of our organization clearh d< iued &
n ' u,on . w,th non-working class g
Be it resolved: that this Convention is
tne action of the National Executive Ct
ooipc^ion^/X'i-^^'l^^rtv activity in
"' order ,„ unifv i„ d„M n ™a h »l!i iT'l'" ™° nh '"-
V iganda and action. ' " class <on S cio„ s
v.itl' oZl ^^J» P*«y association
'lass struggle « d ' ," " led ,0 . lhe revolutionary
giws and the like. M «'"cipal Ownership lea-
2- h) \ municipal nlatfnn.. „t c • ,•
roceed on a separate CT, f Soc,a hsm cannot
.,,,„„„. ,„ „ u ; i|n ' i ' | U «.« toata«„ t „, la ,
'ower. There arc no en 7,1 i *?',"•"* "•"" , "' l!
■ f the class strueek „, : ; " , ' l, '" ,s "'"'"" «'« terms
^-^•M^leSd^ul^r''^'^^^'"' 1 " 1
'"'isl political activity. Tit
■e-a'rU, isTtol iSttS^' f *J T°'«to„ar V pro-
,il -" ">" Primary dependence m '^ ba " 0t ; we reali ^
Power and the massToS ,S' ," °" ,he m « s
P'-ogressivism. locate ot an advanced labor
to'hwend make the follow-
; , ;" h '; onmuuee, composed o? th L Wat,0nal Em "
he ^ "' UK National l\ Vllllv p" )ree , or '"ore mem-
?f t fl aB l»«y officials and m , v n T ,u ' c - Vvho shall
n \ Ule '\^'Onal headquartm P ! ^' ld,St5 u ' lh offices
. !l) ^ "in nil by the n-iriv. .
^ Control by the pa ,^
'^gular executive c
calling the Amnesty Convenii.
and that we recommend that this call be res
S) Resolved that tin's C< ivenl S '
endorsing the I. \\\ \V., and t!
>ts power to acquaint the
olutionary industrial unionism.
9) Endorsement of Sunday Schools
io) Recommendation oi ors
?ncl literature distribution
industrial units, with division
, H) Resolution providing
Conventions, with plenar . -
Ot IMM-- I . I
tne Pa^y memhershm n,, ,
omm,rt "- of »«offi^T^tt
nf * branches.
Pbe other resolutions ( : ; ,
nature ot greetings and r<
! ; v ^ intervention in Russia, the Wi
, s u -' - oms tin - V ^STS
h .v contribution of
general strike Mr releas s> - ■ ^ '
»«s to Russian So> et Repnbli -
^partacam of Gei
Saturday, June 21, 1919
J2*?J* Ev m'UTIONARY
AFTER having indicted the clomin-im
Socialism and indicated the SS ? cSSv*?
that produced it, the Manifesto £ 0CC c ds t«T*
feet the fundamentals of revolutionary Socialism- "
Revolutionary Socialists hold, with the founder, «*
scientific Soc.al.sm. that there are two dominant d asse !
in modern society-the bourgeoisie and the proletS-
, ha , between these two classes a struggle must w '
linti | the working c hm, through the abolition Jf S" e
c:ipit al.st slate and the establishment of « 1C dictator!
h ip of the proletariat creates a Socialist system rZ
Ititionary Socialists do not believe that they can £
,oted into power. They struggle for the conquest nf
power by the revolutionary .proletariat. Then wm «
,,he transition period from Capitalism to SochlUm
of which -Marx speaks in his Criticism of the Goth,',
Program: "Between the capitalistic societv and the com
munistic lies the period of the revolutionary transform
ation of the one into the other. This corresponds to n
political transition period, in which the state cannot
be anything else but the revolutionary dictatorship of
the proletariat. l
The class struggle is fundamental to Socialism It
is die material basis for realizing the ideal of Socialism
But the class struggle is not as simple as moderate
Socialism makes it appear.
The two dominant classes in society are the proleta-
riat and the bourgeoisie, — the workers and the capital-
ists. In between these two dominant class divisions
there are other minor divisions, which are .an import-
ant factor in the social struggle.
Moderate Socialism comprises its policy in an attack
upon the larger capitalists, the trusts; and maintains
that all other divisions in society — including the lesser
capitalists and the middle class, the petite bourgeoisie,
—are material for the Socialist struggle against Cap-
italism. Moderate Socialism says, in substance: So-
cialism is a struggle of all the people against the trusts
and hie capital: and it makes the realization 'of Social-
ism depend unon the unity in action of "the people,"
of the workers, the small capitalists, the small invest-
ors, the professions. — in short, moderate Socialism
actually depends unon the petite bourgeoisie for the
realization of Socialism. But these non-proletarian
classes are not at all revolutionary, simolv "liberal :"
and moderate Socialism in action becomes dependent
upon a liberal progressivism which makes for State
Capitalism and promotes Capitalism : and which, more-
over, under the conditions of Imperialism is directly
Revolutionary Socialism, in accord with Marx and
■the actual facts nf the class struggle, makes the real-
nation of Socialism depend upon the industrial pro-
letariat. Revolutionary Socialism, moreover, excludes
the aristocracy of labor from the revolutionary move-
ment these skilled workers being- united in policy with
pettv hniinr°nis orcxrressivism. The realization of- So-
cialism is the task of one class alone— the class of the
■The class strangle of revolutionary Socialism mobil-
izes the industrial proletariat against Capitalism.— that
proletariat which is homogeneous, united and discip-
lined bv the machine process, and which actually con-
sols the ha-slr industry of the nation. In this class
strupfrle, rrvolurionav Socialism rejects compromise
""■th anv other class in society: it is a struggle of the
proletariat against all other social groups. The small
_inu.(TPnisio -, nr j + ] ie an \tocracv of labor can be forced
into line after the nmfefariat has imnosed its will upon
*(■"-- *v. and organized the "state" of proletarian dictat-
or*' > : n.
MnderatP Socialism is comnromisine. vacillating,
treacherous, because the social elements it depends
"vt n _ t |,p Kni; ,p honrfrenisie and the aristocracy of
S* if? Win § Manifesto and Program
By Louis C. Frai
fundamental factor in society; thev
they have be^ s?h ^ P u 0duce5 P° ,itical hl
tZ%ZTll n J ta M lit y ^ duces P° liticat Stability
by Imner" *'
R -.- In iperialism,
WW action. RcvoIutionary'SocaisnradTc'reirthe
•ech„ologicarinici;atio'n ,,, o rX CCC
nas developed th«
mass action. R e
class struggle bee
has Hpw? n " i ;""-6"*"w«" 01 . tne machine process
"dilate between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat
--cause through the class struggle alone
riatser Z . stru 8f.' e -^ a n this industrid proleta-
i s willn, ,mm . cd ' ate concessions and finally impose
ris^ocZ M C1 t Cty ' m , this W f0rcin g the vacillating
c dSin„ n f ?' ^ *% ("P bo ^coisie to make
me decision of aligning with the proletariat.
rfraSle ff S - tn,gg1 r ? cc ° rdin e to Marx, is a political
„3'i f-, a p ? ht \ cal stru ^ le in the scnse that fe
Purpose is pplitical-the overthrow of one social sys-
tem and its government, and 'the introduction of a new
social system and hs government. The revolutionary
elass s ruggle is political, since its objective is the con-
quest by the revolutionary proletariat of the power
of the state. K
The state is the expression of a particular social
system i and its ruling class. It is organized to impose
tne will of a class upon society. The state is organizer!
coercion: the bourgeois state is organized to coerce
the proletariat. The proletariat must conquer this
state, destroy this state, destroy this political power
of the capitalist ruling class, and organize a new pro
iPtanan state for the coercion of the bourgeoisie h*
Revolutionary Socialism does not propose to "cap
hire" the bourgeois parliamentary state, but to conque'
and destroy it. Revolutionary Socialism, accordingly,
repudiates the policy of introducing Socialism by means
nf legislative measures on the basis of the bourgeois
Mate. This state is a bourgeois state: how, then, can
it introduce Socialism?- As long as the bourgeois
parliamentary state nrevails. the capitalist class is in
power; it can baffle the will of the proletariat, since
all ths political power, the army and the police, the
nress'and industry, are in the control of the capitalists.
The revolutionary proletariat must expropriate all
these, bv the conquest of oower. by annihilating the
political power of the capitalists, before it can begin
the tasV nf introducing Socialism.
Revolutionary Socialism, accordingly, proposes to
ennnuer the nower of the state. It proposes to conquer
bv means of political action hi the Marxian sense.
And political action in the revolutionary Marxian sense
dnes nnt simply mean parliamentarism, but the elass
or/ion of the proletariat iVj mix fonij that has as its
rb'ect've the ennouest of the power of the state.
Parliamentarv action is necessarv. On the field of
the state, of parliament, the proletariat meets the can-
italist on,afI general issues of the class strur"de. The
revolutionary proletariat must fight the capitalist on
nil fronts, in the process of developing that final action
which will connper the power of the state, and over-
throw Capitalism. Parliamentarv political action,
accordingly, is revolutionary : its task is- to exnose
through the forum of parliament, the machinations of
the state and Capitalism, to meet Capitalism on all
icsn^s. to rally the proletariat for the stnif^le against
Capitalism. The mimo^ of Soc->'al ; st parliamentary
nnlihYal action is to emphasize and clarify the revolu-
tionary character of the class struggle.
Bul parliamentarian] cannot coi ,«er of
the state for the proletariat. To imagine that
ism can secure a majority in the parliament* i
I topia, a refusal to understand that Capitalism can
use the power of the state to disfranchise the workers .
The conquest of the power of the state ■ an extra-
parliamentary act. It is accomplished, not
legislative representatives of the proletariat.
the mass power of the proletariat in action, by me
dynamic mass action of the proletariat. The ■
power of the proletariat inheres in the political mass
strike, in using the industrial power of the pro!.
for political objectives.
The Belgian workers secured the francl
of the political strike. The Russian revolution
with political strikes of the masses. The prok ■ -
the process of conquering the power of the state n.
start with the political mass strike, which alone ■
dynamic, which alone represents power and can mobil-
ize the proletariat for the revolutionary struggle against
Revolutionary Socialism, accordingly, recognizes
that the supreme form of proletarian political action
is the political mass strike. Parliamentarism is a factor
in developing this mass strike; parliamentarism, if it
is revolutionary and adheres to the class struggle, per-
forms necessary service in mobilizing the proletariat
for the mass struggle against Capitalism.
Moderate Socialism refuses to recognize this sni*-
rente form of political action, limits and stultifies p
itical action into legislative routine and petty bou
^cois parliamentarism. This is a negation of the mai
character of the proletarian, struggle, a betraval of thi
tasks of the Revolution.
The power of the proletariat to conquer Capita.,
lies not in its numbers — which are scattered and ca
be nullified — but in its control of the industrial process.
The mobilization of this proletarian industrial control
against Capitalism means the end of Capitalism: and
"this proletarian industrial control can be mobilized
onlv by means of the political mass strike.
What isthe purpose of the final political mass strike,
of revolutionary mass action? To conquer the power
of the state. How is this accomplished? By destroying-
the bourgeois parliamentary state and organizing a
new state, the state of the organized producers, of the
workers in the plants and the farmers in the fields.
The revolutionary proletariat organizes a new state,
based on industrial divisions and the industrial franch-
But the abolition of the bourgeois political state
■-1r.es not immediately dispose of the political state.
Th» nroletariat itself needs a state during the transirio-
npriod from Capitalism to Socialism, a state rep:
ing force, with which to coerce the bourgeoisie.
state is an organ of coercion. The bourgeois state
coerces the proletariat. The proletariat must organize
a state to coerce the bourgeoisie, since the proletarian
eonousf of power will have reserves for action against
th n oro'etarian revolution.
This state of the revolutionary proletariat, function-
ing as a proletarian dictatorship, serves two functions:
i)to completely expropriate the bourgeoisie and
crush its power of resistance: and 2} to introduce the
new system of Communist Socialism organized int-
-pnrrally and based upon the industrial administration
of the industrially, communistieallv organized prod-
ucers. After this task is accomplished the political
c.tnte of the proletariat disappears, together with coer-
cion and proletarian dictatorship, them we shai' have,
under Socialism, not the government of persons, but
.the administration of things.
The Bolshevik Agitation in Hungary
fi^r THT? linic when the reptile press of the Allies
was insisting that the Bolshevik! had definitely
"foven thai thev were pro- German bv signing the
west-Litovsk peace, the Bolshevik party was actively
carrying on its revolutionary agitation among the
-'Mistro -German prisoners of war m Russia, among the
Austro-German troops, and in Austria. Hungary and
The work of organizing the Hungarian prisoners
fyas put in charge of Bela Kun. a Magyar Socialist.
D>mse1 : a p r i ?oner j n one f t h e concentration camps,
'o-dav Bela Run is head of the Soviet republic of
"unearv. The origin of the upheaval that turned the
anient Hungarian realm into a stronghold of Bolshe-
vism certainly deserves the adjective humble. It was
J fmir papp papen m) ib1ished in the Magyar
gjKuajK a t Moscow twice a week under the title
^lalis Forradalom." meaning "social revolution.
. rh « first number of "The Social Revolution was
' ss «fd on Aoril 7. iqi8. Its editorial office was in
r ->om ^or of the Hotel Dresden. Moscow. The first
"umb^r carried an article bv N. Bucharin, editor oi
^Communist." entitled "Why Are We Commun-
lsts? ' Another article, headlined "And You Will
T?e-hel Yet" addressed to the German and the Austro-
Hungarian armies, appeared with tne signature of
Karl Radek. Bela Kun had a two column editorial
entitled "What Is Imperialism?"
The programme of the new paper was announced
on pa^e one as follows: •
"With the first issue of 'The Social Revolution a
little group of Magyar Communists joins the battle
for the international social revolution. We have to
struggle" on two fronts at the same time.
•'We shall fight ruthlessly, without compromise, tor
the destruction of the oppressor of proletarians and
poor peasants: the social order based on capitalistic
production But we shall fight none the less ruthlessly
against the official Social Democratic parties, which
before and Hurine the war have betrayed the cause of
"We stand firmlv on the basis of class war. I nder
no circumstances do wc recognize a social truce.
"Our creed is revolutionary Marxism. lo spread
fbis doctrine, the scientific expression of proletarian
class struggle, in a popular form, so as to make h
intelligible i4o M, will be one of the principal anus oi
""Our aim is the armed rebellion of proletarians and
peasants for the capture of the power of state: social
revolution without delay,"
The paper contains several articles attacking bitterly
the German Majority Socialists led by Schc
as well as the official Social Democratic party of Hung-
ary. The Stockholm conference is assailed n<
onary bourgeois gathering.
The peace of Brest-Litovsk is ' in the
article bv Radek as "the peace of the victorious brig-
n-nls." He Havs the proletarian soldiers of Germany,
Wxtfria and Hungary for their submtsshftaaess, for
their "treachery toward the Russian revolution," and
"You will have to rise against your governments,
von German. Austrian. Magyar slaves, because
Hsc can do that job for you. The German .
ment is the bulwark of reaction in Europe; Germa*
is the prison of peoples. It is up to you. slaves, ii
^•0.1 r duty, to blow up the fates of that orison. Every-
•hinf else is futile. Revolution or a slow blet
death ; this can be the only choice. And you will rebel
Satnrday ^jqng 21
The New International
•*• **^^ form of
X speaking of the International conference proposed
'the Communist Party of Russia (winch d.d
official Socialist Party, but its Left
By Samson Freiman
but thai is part of the process-
form ot the Party are certainly not suffice,
of the Party's vindication of its honor. i n ,...
since it adhered to the princ^o^ stetement
If tberr is any
a means for a sue
. lU the confident
acts which violate
have in a revolutionary organization is a
during the war. No matter
I i„4ccre or only erroneous, the question
i£ up onelit to be set clear to all. It bears on a
U b c 'f extreme importance to the success of the
Movement throughout the world.
one formula which is necessary as
cessrul revolution that formula is,
of the masses." Conversely, any
the' confidence which the masses
Socialist principles. The success
of tIl - Soviet Government of Russia lies, for one
thing, in^the fact that the Soviets won the confidence
of the masses and held it. Perhaps one of the most
improve and' suggestive statements that I have read
on the Russian Revolution is a statement appearing
in the New York Times in an article by Arthur Ran-
some about a year ago. His observation was ,
bat the people of the Ukraine— when the
situation in the Ukraine was at its worst—
having once tasted the fruits of Soviet insti-
tutions were loath to let this Institution slip
'~m their lives, although it was the Soviet
jrganization which caused all the bitter
fighting that took place in the Ukraine and
tore that fertile land asunder. In spite of
all the immediate misery clearly attribut-
able to the Soviets the masses had recogniz-
ed the true worth of the Soviets and were
willing to pay the price, counting nothing too
dear if they could only win back the self-
government that was their's under Soviet
organization. Experience had been the
means of imbedding in their hearts the con-
fidence that is so necessary to the success of
the Socialist revolution everywhere.
from the masses,
Friedrich Adler's defense
the Austrian Premier tries to JusMy ^ ac m ^
ance with the best traditions of Socialist n . J
backroll nd that he describes as lead g hnn to
t0 do his heroic deed is ™^"^ hscU dm>
means nt expressi
as far as Kerensky in his speeches— pcrha
so far— but its deeds have failed to convince **
the tone of its program.
iion. positive mass means in
iHcate its name and traditions.
Failure to , -resent a clear and posit.
remment during the prose,
of opposition to the govt,,..,
ution f the war the Socialist Party of A?^\*£
speak of the official party, not the memberslnp who
will was baffled) has failed to do its part and do
not deserve representation at the conference of he
Xew International-that is. not unt.l the Left Wing
conquers the party. The mere verbal adherence to
principles such as are expressed in the St. Lotus Plat-
Milyukov was overwhelmed the moment
he opened his mouth and betrayed the im-
s of the Revolution. Kerensky deceived
tl masses with honeyed words and lasted
omy until his deeds bred suspicion and then
distrust. All the detestable appeals for the
confidence of the populace made by the
Ebert government in Germany today are a
betrayal of trust which the inexorable de-
mands of proletarian history will repay with
relentless severity. \ revolution that goes
to the very roots of society in building a new
structure must meet a great many tremend-
ous difficulties which it cannot overcome un-
less it has the full confidence of the prole-
tariat. In the face of a world of enemies
the Social Revolution can not afford to make
any mistakes. Yet our venture is of such a
highly experimental nature that it is utterly
impossible to avoid a great many errors.
Only if the Revolutionists succeed in
winning the revolutionary confidence of the
masses can they expect to bring their venture
to a successful conclusion. Surrounded by
enemies that have no conscience, that lie de-
liberately, tfiat try to bring all kinds of con-
fusion into the ranks of the proletariat,
there is nothing to hope for unless the pro-
letariat hn; full confidence in the revolution.
Rut this confidence which must be implicit
is so liable to abuse that a very sharp dis-
tinction must be made and firmly adhered to
in punishing those that violate the confidence
of the proletariat. Compromise breeds de-
ceil and suspicion which destroys confidence.
It behooves Socialism to stand clearly and
-mly on its own ground, on the bulwarks
«,. the proletarian dictatorship and the Com-
munist State. The. development of this con-
fidence may. temporarily, mean "isolation"
The Proletarian Revolution
By N. Lenin and Leon Trotzky
Edited, with an Introduction, Notes
and Supplementary Chapters
By Louis C. Fraina
This unique book traces the course of the great Russian Rev-
olution from March mi 7 to October 1918, in the words of the two
masters of the Revolution.
It consists of a mass of articles and paiuphHs written duriiuj
the Revolution, covering every important phase of the Revolution,
arranged to make a consecutive story.
Contents: Part One — Tiic First Slape of the Revolution, by
N. Lenin (March 12 to May 18). Part Two — The General Pro-
gram of the Bolsheviki, by N. Lenin (tactics, program and gen-
eral policy). Part Three — The Struggle for State Po%ver, by N.
Lenin and Leon Trotzky (May iR to the "uprising'' of July 16-17).
Part Four — The Revolution in Crisis, by Leon Trotzky (written
at the end of August, analyzing the Bolshevik defeat in July, the
Moscow Conference and the problems -of the future). Part Five —
The Proletarian Revolution Conquers, by Louis C. Fraina (Sept-
ember to January— the coup d'etat of November 7, the Con-
stituent Assembly; includes articles of- Lenin and Trotzky and docu-
ments). Part Six— The Revolutionary Struggle for Peace, by Leon
Trotzky and N, Lenin (December to Brest-Litovsk). Part Seven—
The Soviet Republic ?n<\ its Prnhlems. by N. Lenin (May 1018)
Supplementary— Foreign Relations (July' to October. 1918 ■' Lenin
Trotzky and Chichcrin).
477 Pages— More than 200,000 Words.
Paper Cover, $1-00: Library Edition. Goth, $1.50.
The Social Revolution in Germany
By Louis C. Fraina
A fundamental studv of the great struggle
is at the same lime a studv in revolutionary So
able to an understanding nf the c ha
olution. Including two articles hv
in Germany, which
racter of the European Rev-
Mehring. Popular, Comprehensive; Inci
1 1-' Pages: 2^c
The official ponHft
party was bourgeois pacifism, not revolutionary c/
cialism. It was well enough for Max Eastaii
justify this policy of words by the official Party Y°
1 fear that his defense is meant more as an a L
fur his own failings. His argument is not convineW
In fact, lie exemplifies the general action of the p a « g '
bureaucracy in llis personal acts. Tn a measure J
might pardon Eastman for accepting his horn of tr !
dilemma in starting the Liberator, yet we cannot close
our eyes to the fact that the first issues of the map
azine were a betrayal of the Socialist cause. Qf
course under the mask of Eastman's words it mirfjt
have been found that he was camouflaging his language
in order to issue his magazine during the hard months
of the war. But that is just the policy that leads to ruin
Diplomacy has always been the tool of the masters.
The successful avengers of oppression have be en
frank and uncompromising under all con-
ditions. The true representative of the pro-
letariat expresses himself in uneauivocal
The Si. Louis platform was never reallv
carried out by the bureaucracy, nor was it
meant in sincerity. It degenerated into
petty bourgeois pacifism and nationalism.
Both Berger and Hillquit finally sponsored
the Majority Report. It is interesting to
recall some events leading up to the adoption
of the St. Louis Program.
After the break in diplomatic relations
between the L'nited States and Germany, the
leaders of the Socialist Party abandoned
their opposition to the calling of a national
convention and hastily issued a call for a
Party Convention in April instead of June
or September, as had been proposed by those
wlm had been clamoring for a convention.
Naturally the election of delegates and the
convention policy agitated the entire Party
membership Leon Trotzky was at that time
in Xew York. At a general membership
meeting in Local New York of the Socialist
Party to discuss our attitude on the war. a
very lively debate occurred between Fraina
of the Left Wing and Hillquit of the moder-
ates. The minority committee report of
Fraina and Trotzky was defeated by the
Hillquit report which was the nucleus of the
St. Louis Resolution. Apparently, HillflW
resolution covered the same ground as
minority resolution except that it was coil
ed in language to protect it from legal pro^
ution. lo make it nuite unintelligible
By Louis C. Fraina
What is Bolshevism, this "left wincr" Q« • i-
Capitalism? Tto^iZ^vSSi,^^^ » ***«*
and program of revolutionary Socialism Ti , tllC con «P«s
and the War. Imperialism. Soda ism tf c u on ^ers Socialism
acy, the collapse of the domnS S^ "' the Death of Demo-
r, Socialist Readjus S Qass and'V T ^ d «*«*«nn
Mate Capitalism. Unionism and Mat A,T atl0n > Pr °blems of
alorship. ° Mass Action, and Prolet;
Sen Kaiavmna, the Inbn,,„r„ c - ,.
hook the finest inta^uuTTtl^'^ deeh ^ "«*
International Socialism. ' C new de ™lot>ment in
2 53 Pages : 75c a Copy.
-run ^« VlrCSs aH ord ers
THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE
\Whmglon St., Boston. Mass
to make it quite
It was a resolution without
The tight of New York was pracrf.
repeated at a similar meeting held in ^
County, New Jersey. After secimjv^
approval of the State Committee to t^
quit resolution with a few minor ^
George IT. Goebel presented the re> ^
to the Essex County Local. An op^^_
resolution following the lines of tlie^ ^
Trotzky resolution in New York ^ ^
presented. A heated debate uccitr^ ^
the Lett Wing finally won the da>. (he
because the German nationalist g& '1 ^
ith the Left- M
extreme right voted wit
the Majority Resolution at
s no intention of carrying 1 ^ thf
leaders that sponsored^ -^j
Partv deserves representation at ^t
of the New International then V ic ^ fe &
also deserves the recognition that ^ ^
accorded to the Left Wing grtj^ ^rtj
Party, which have now conquer**
for revolutionary Socialism.